Guantanamo Libya. The new Italian border police  TRIPOLI - The iron door is closed. From the small loophole I see the faces of two African guys and one Egyptian. I can't stand the acrid smell coming from the holding cells. I ask them to move. Now I can see the whole room, three meters per eight. There are some thirty people inside. Piled one over the other. There are no beds, people sleep on the ground on some dirty foam mattresses. Behind, on the walls, somebody has written Guantanamo. But we are not in the U.S. base. We are in Zlitan, in Libya. And the detainees they are not suspected terrorists, but immigrants arrested south of Lampedusa.
 People press behind the door. They have not been receiving any visits since they were arrested. Someone raises the voice: "Help us!" A young man put the hand out of the loophole and give me a piece of cardboard. There is written a telephone number, by pen. The prefix is that of Gambia. I put it in my pocket, hiding from the police. His name is Outhman. He asks me to tell his mother he is still alive. He has been locked in this prison for the last five months. Fabrice instead spent here nine months. Both of them were arrested during police raids in the immigrants neighbourhoods in Tripoli. Since several years actually, Libya is committed to patrol the European southern border. With any means. In 2003 Italy signed an agreement with Gaddafi and sent oversea motorboats, cars and body-bags... funding detention centres and deportation flights. Since then, tens of thousands of immigrants and refugees every year are arrested in Libya and held in such inhuman conditions.
 "People are suffering here! The food is bad, and the water is dirty. We are sick and there are pregnant women." Gift is 29 years old. She is from Nigeria. She was arrested three months ago, while she was walking with her husband on the street. They left two children in Tripoli, she said. She is not allowed to call them. Her husband has been repatriated the previous week. She is still here, alone, wearing the same clothes she had when she was taken prisoner. Before, she has been living in Libya for three years, working as a hairdresser, and she didn't have any idea to cross the sea towards Italy, as many of the other immigrants who are here.
 It is not the case of Y. Because he really dreamed about Europe. He is Eritrean and he deserted the army in order to seek for political asylum in Europe. He was apprehended in the sea. By the Libyans police. And locked here in Zlitan. Before entering in the office of the director – Ahmed Salim -, a policeman whispers something to him. When we ask him about the conditions of the prison, he answers with a trembling voice: "Everything is good." He is frightened. He knows that if he says something wrong he will be beaten. The director smiles in front of him and grants us he will not be deported. Within the next week he will be transferred to the detention centre of Misratah, 210 km east of Tripoli, where all the Eritreans refugees are concentrated.
 In the region of Zlitan, there are three other detention centres for immigrants, in Khums, Garabulli and Bin Ulid. They are smaller and detainees kept there are normally moved to the camp of Zlitan, which can hold up to 325 people. But how many detention centres are there in Libya? According to the evidences we collected in the last years, they are at least 28, mostly concentrated along the coast. There are three kinds of centres. There are concentration camps, like those of Sebha, Zlitan, Zawiyah, Kufrah and Misratah, where migrants and refugees are concentrated waiting for their deportation. Then there are smaller facilities, such as Qatrun, Brak, Shat, Ghat, Khums ... where aliens are held for a shorter period of time before being sent to the bigger camps. And then there are the prisons: Jadida, Fellah, Twaisha, Ain Zarah ... Common prisons I mean, with entire branches dedicated to undocumented foreigners. The most known one was the prison of Fellah, in Tripoli, but it was recently demolished to construct a new building, in line with the restyling of the entire city. Its function was replaced by Twaisha, the prison near the airport.
 Koubros managed to escape from Twaisha only few weeks ago. He is Eritrean, 27 years old. He used to live in Sudan, but after an Eritrean friend was deported from Khartoum, he suddenly decided to leave towards a safer place in Europe. He went out from Twaisha walking with crutches. He says he was seriously beaten by a drunk policeman who asked him money. Hopefully his Eritreans cell mates collect some money to let him free. To bribe a prison guard $ 300 is enough. I met him in front of the church of San Francesco, in Tripoli. Like every Friday, about fifty African migrants are waiting for the opening of Caritas. Tadrous is one of them. He was released last October from the prison of Surman. He is one of the few refugees having been judged by a court. His story interests me. It was on June 2008. They took the sea from Zuwarah, in 90 people. But after a few hours they decided to come back, because of the stormy sea, and they were arrested. The judge sentenced them to 5 months of detention, with the charge of illegal emigration. I ask him if he was given a lawyer. He simply smiles shaking the head. The answer is no.
Nothing strange, says the lawyer Abdussalam Edgaimish. Libyan law does not provide free legal aid for crimes punishable by less than three years. Edgaimish is the director of the Bar of Tripoli. He welcomes us in his office, in the First September road. He explains us that the practice of arrest and detention of immigrants have nor legal basis neither a validation from the court. Any Libyan citizen, according to the law, could not be deprived of liberty without a warrant of arrest. But for foreigners it is not the same. Police raids are usual. The practice is that of house-to-house raids in the suburbs of Tripoli.
 "Migrants are victims of a conspiracy between the two shores of the Mediterranean. Europe sees only a security problem, but nobody wants to talk about their rights. " Jumaa Atigha is also a lawyer of Tripoli, graduated in Rome in 1983. Since 1999, he chaired the Organization for the Human Rights of the Foundation led by the firstborn of Gaddafi, Saif al Islam. In 2007 he resigned. During his presidency he led a national campaign, making the Government release 1,000 political prisoners. He describes a country involved in a rapid change, but still far from an ideal situation with respect to individual and political freedom. Atigha knows well the conditions of detention in Libya. From 1991 to 1998 he has been jailed without trial, as a political prisoner. He tells us that torture is a common practice among the Libyan policemen. "The lack of awareness means that policemen think to serve justice, while they are torturing people"
Mustafa O. Attir think the same. He is professor of sociology in the Tripoli University of El Fatah. "It is not simply a problem of racism. Libyans are kind with foreigners. It is a matter of police." Attir knows what he says. He visited Libyan prisons as a researcher in 1972, 1984 and 1986. Police officers have no education – he tells us - and are instead educated to the concept of punishment.
 Suddenly his words make me rethink to the Ghanaian hairdressers in the medina, the Chadian tailors, the Sudanese shops, the Egyptians waiters, the Moroccan ladies in the cafeterias, and the Africans cleaning the roads every night. While Eritreans refugees are hiding themselves in the suburbs of Gurji and Krimia, thousands of African immigrants live and work here, maybe exploited, but with a relative peace. Certainly for Sudaneses and Chadians people, everything is easier. They speak Arabic and they are Muslims. They have been living in Libya for tens of years and therefore they are quite tolerated. The same for Egyptians and Moroccans. Instead is different for Eritreans and Ethiopians. They are here only for a transit to Europe. Often they do not speak Arabic. Often they are Christians. And their grandparents fought against Libyans with the Italian colonial troops. And as they travel with the money for the crossing in the pocket, they are often stolen even in the street. For the Nigerians, and more generally for the Anglophone sub-Saharan, is different. If they are directed to Europe or not, it is not important. Their integration in the Libyan society clashes systematically with the racist stereotypes against Nigerians, linked to the crimes of some Nigerian criminal networks. They are accused of smuggling drugs and alcohol, exploiting prostitution, bringing the Hiv virus and perpetrating robbery and murders.
 During 2007, professor Attir organized three conferences on the subject of immigration in the Arab countries. In Libya he is one of the greater experts. And he is ready to deny the figures circulating in Europe. "Two million immigrants in Libya are waiting to leave to Italy? It is not true." Actually there is no statistic at all. The Libyan population is five and a half million people. Foreigners can not reasonably be more than one million, including Arab immigrants. Most of them have never thought to cross the sea. And Libya need them, because its economy is growing up, and the country is underpopulated and its citizens don't want any more to do heavy and cheap labours. Attir is aware of the pressures that Europe is doing on Libya. But he also knows that "there is no way" to stop the transit of migrants in the sea.
 Libya has about 1,800 km of coastline, largely uninhabited. Colonel Khaled Musa, head of anti-immigration patrols in Zuwarah, don't really think that the six patrol boats promised by Italy will solve the problem. For sure they will help to control the coast between the Tunisian border, Ras Jdayr, and Sabratah. But it is only around 100 km. The 6% of the Libyan coast. And the departures have already moved on the coasts east of Tripoli, between Khums and Zlitan, more than 200 km from Zuwarah. The department of immigration of Zuwarah was created in 2005. The number of migrants arrested fell from 5,963 in 2005 to 1,132 in 2007. For the head of the investigations department, Sala el Ahrali, the figures show the success of the repressive measures. Many smugglers have been arrested, that is why the departures decreased. And the coast is patrolled every night, by cars. Every ten kilometres there is a police tent, on the beach. But only along 50 kilometres from the Tunisian border, from Farwah, to Mellitah, near the gas treatment plant owned the Italian Eni and the Libya's National Oil Company.
 It goes from Mellitah to Gela, in Sicily. Greenstream, this is its name, is the longest underwater pipeline in the Mediterranean. Ironically, it runs along the same route which leads thousands of migrants to Lampedusa. On the surface of the sea, EU sends its military forces to stop the transRit of human beings. While at the bottom of the sea, eight billions cubic meters of gas annually pass through the 520 km of pipes, among the bones of thousands of victims of migration. An image that perfectly summarizes the relationship of the last five years between Rome and Tripoli, leaded under the slogan "more oil, less immigrants".
Read also:
Libya: inside the immigrants detention centre of Misratah
Border Sahara: the detention centres in the Libyan desert
Download the Fortress Europe 2007 Report: Escape from Tripoli |
U.E. - ITALIA
Quale respiro temporale può avere la strategia dei respingimenti degli immigrati clandestini verso la Libia inaugurata dal ministro dell'Interno, Roberto Maroni? Sarà in grado Tripoli, da sola, di reggere l'urto del rientro di migliaia di disperati sulle proprie coste, rischiando l'aggravarsi di una emergenza umanitaria? Con le polemiche sul diritto alla richiesta d'asilo ('negato' dai respingimenti, secondo le organizzazioni umanitarie) sono questi gli interrogativi che accompagnano la 'svolta' annunciata dal ministro Maroni con la 'linea dura' nel contrasto ai flussi di clandestini che arrivano dal paese nordafricano. Dal 7 maggio, sono circa 500 gli immigrati clandestini raccolti in mare da mezzi navali italiani e riportati in Libia con l'ok di Tripoli. Da ieri, non si segnalano respingimenti. E' arrivato, semmai, il primo 'no' delle autorità libiche all'approdo del pattugliatore 'Spica' della Marina Militare italiana che nella notte aveva soccorso un barcone con 69 clandestini a bordo. Dopo una trattativa con i libici, terminato con il 'no' allo sbarco, e l'ennesimo 'niet' dalle autorità maltesi all'accoglienza dei clandestini, l'unità della marina militare ha dovuto fare rotta verso Porto Empedocle. E' un segnale - fa notare una fonte qualificata - che i libici non possono riprendersi tutti quelli che partono dalle loro coste e che vengono intercettati in acque internazionali dalle nostre unità navali. Insomma, la situazione non è semplice. Sebbene la Libia abbia trasformato, con l'accordo siglato a fine agosto tra Gheddafi e Berlusconi, l'Italia da paese 'quasi' nemico per i trascorsi coloniali non risolti a Paese amico è difficile immaginare che la strategia 'vincente' per contenere i flussi siano i respingimenti con una disponibilità illimitata del Paese nord africano; soprattutto se non ci sarà un impegno, invocato a più riprese dallo stesso ministro dell'Interno, dell'Unione europea. Nell'accordo tecnico siglato tra Italia e Libia per il contrasto all'immigrazione clandestina (che non è mai stato reso pubblico) - secondo una fonte - all'articolo 6 si farebbe riferimento all'impegno della Libia al rispetto Convezione Onu dei diritti dell'Uomo. L'avvio dei pattugliamenti previsti dall'accordo italo-libico è previsto il 15 maggio. Un giorno prima, a Gaeta, ci sarà la consegna delle unità navali alla Libia. I respingimenti sono iniziati tra il 6 e il 7 maggio. Se i respingimenti fanno parte di una intesa 'last minute' (non ci sono conferme ufficiali che i respingimenti siano contenuti nell'accordo) lo si capirà presto. L'obiettivo di spostare più a Sud la frontiera del contrasto all'immigrazione, allegerendo così la situazione a Lampedusa, potrà riuscire - spiega la fonte qualificata - solo se la Libia non sarà lasciata sola. Da qui a giugno, lo scenario potrebbe rapidamente cambiare. Come? La 'linea dura' adottata dal governo potrebbe essere accompagnata da qui a breve da una apertura alla collaborazione con organismi internazionali ed europei per la tutela degli immigrati richiedenti asilo sul territorio libico dove i centri sono già al collasso e sono pieni di persone che provengono da zone dove ci sono violenze e guerre. In quel caso, il governo incasserebbe un doppio successo: sul piano operativo, spostando più a Sud il contrasto al traffico di essere umani e su quello umanitario, ottenendo che le richieste sul diritto d'asilo siano vagliate in Libia, prima ancora della partenza verso le coste italiane. E' una questione di scelta dei tempi per Italia e Libia, ora Paesi 'amici'. Ma non solo.
PISTOIA, 7 maggio 2009 - Né a Malta, né a Lampedusa. Sono stati riportati in Libia i 227 emigranti e rifugiati (cittadini di Nigeria, Ghana, Gambia, Costa d'Avorio, Somalia e Mali) – tra cui 40 donne, tre delle quali incinte - soccorsi ieri a circa 35 miglia a sud est di Lampedusa dalle autorità italiane. Dopo una giornata di infruttuose trattative con il governo maltese sulla responsabilità dei soccorsi, l"Italia è riuscita a strappare a Tripoli il 
